The Policy That Gates Everything Else
Series 17: Who Decides What You Get
Margaret Holt, 72, lives in a white farmhouse twelve miles outside Harrisonburg, Virginia. She is a retired postal worker who has delivered mail through four presidential administrations, two recessions, and one pandemic. She has a state pension that covers her mortgage and her groceries and not much else. Her aide, Sandra, comes four mornings a week. The visits are paid for through Virginia’s Medicaid long-term services and supports waiver. Without the waiver, Margaret cannot afford the aide. Without the aide, Margaret cannot safely live in the farmhouse.
Catherine Albright, 71, lives in a house thirty miles east in a smaller town near the Shenandoah Valley. She is a retired school administrator with a pension larger than Margaret’s and a supplemental retirement account her husband left her. She pays privately for three aide visits a week. Her aide is different from Sandra but comes from the same labor pool, the network of home care workers in this part of rural Virginia who drive long distances between clients because the geography does not cluster.
These two women have never met. They have the same care needs, the same rural geography, and the same dependence on a labor force that is underpaid, undertrained, and thinning. What they do not share is the funding source. And that difference is about to matter in ways Catherine does not expect.
The proposed federal cuts to Medicaid that are moving through the legislative process in the spring of 2026 would, if enacted, reduce the federal matching funds that pay for Margaret’s aide visits. Virginia’s Medicaid LTSS waiver would be among the first programs to face funding reductions. The waiver is not an entitlement in the same sense as Medicare; it is a discretionary program that states can expand or contract as federal funding allows. If the federal cuts take effect and Virginia cannot make up the difference, Margaret loses her waiver slot. She would lose Sandra within ninety days. She has no private resources to replace the care. She has no family within two hundred miles.
Catherine is watching this news with the detachment of someone who believes she is not directly affected. She is wrong. The aide who serves Margaret and the aide who serves Catherine are drawn from the same labor market. Home care workers in rural Virginia earn between $13 and $17 per hour, well below the median wage for comparable physical and emotional labor in other sectors. The primary reason anyone stays in this field is a combination of personal vocation and geographic constraint. When Medicaid reimbursement drops, the reimbursement rate agencies can pay their workers drops with it. Aides who stay in the field accept lower wages. Aides who have alternatives leave.
When Margaret loses Sandra, Sandra does not disappear. She finds other work, possibly in another county, possibly in a different field entirely. The aide supply that serves Catherine contracts not because Catherine’s funding changed but because the overall system that sustains the aide workforce has been cut. Catherine will wait longer for visits. She may find her current aide’s hours reduced. She may lose her current aide to a higher-paying client in a county with better reimbursement. The Medicaid cuts that do not affect Catherine directly affect her within months, through the labor market she shares with Margaret.
Medicaid is care infrastructure. This is not a political argument. It is a description of how the home care system is capitalized.
In 2024, Medicaid funded approximately $880 billion in care services, of which a substantial portion supported home and community-based services for older adults and people with disabilities. These funds do not only pay for the care of Medicaid beneficiaries. They pay the wages that keep aides in the field at all. They fund the training programs. They pay for the nurse supervisors who oversee home care workers in agencies that serve both Medicaid and private-pay clients. The infrastructure that Margaret’s care depends on is the same infrastructure that Catherine’s care depends on, and it is capitalized primarily by Medicaid, not by private pay.
When policymakers propose cutting Medicaid, they are often describing it as a reduction in a government benefit program. What they are less often describing is its function as the foundational infrastructure for the entire home care labor market. The person who understands what Medicaid actually does can evaluate policy proposals differently than the person who does not.
PACE — the Program of All-Inclusive Care for the Elderly — demonstrates that the coordination problem in 17.02 has a proven solution. PACE programs provide comprehensive medical and social services to older adults who are eligible for nursing home care but who choose to remain in their communities. The model integrates all services: medical care, home health, adult day services, transportation, meals, social work, and physical therapy. The program is capitated, meaning the provider receives a fixed payment per member per month rather than billing per service. This eliminates the incentive to add visits that Martha experienced in 17.01 and creates the integration that Helen’s providers lack in 17.02.
PACE works. Studies published in the Gerontologist and Health Affairs have consistently shown better outcomes and lower hospitalization rates among PACE participants compared to similarly eligible non-participants. The model is less expensive per person than nursing home care and produces better health results.
PACE operates in 33 states. Nationally it serves approximately 70,000 people. The population it could serve — dually eligible Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries who meet nursing home level of care — is approximately 4.5 million. The program is not scaling because it requires state-level regulatory capacity, capital investment in day centers, and care teams that are expensive to build. Policy decisions about PACE expansion or contraction will determine whether this proven model reaches more people or remains a well-documented proof of concept serving fewer than two percent of the eligible population.
The reader who lives in a rural area needs to understand one thing about the technology this publication has described across sixteen series: it requires broadband. The AI health monitor. The telehealth visit. The care coordination platform. The social connection tools from Series 7 and 8. The cognitive monitoring from Series 4. Every one of them requires a reliable, high-speed internet connection.
The BEAD program — the Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment program — was funded at $42.5 billion by the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act to extend broadband infrastructure to unserved and underserved communities. As of early 2026, deployment is uneven. Some states have moved quickly through the planning and contracting phases. Others remain in administrative stages. The rural areas where the caregiver shortage is worst tend to overlap with the areas where broadband access is most limited. Margaret’s farmhouse twelve miles outside Harrisonburg may or may not have reliable broadband, and whether it does depends on state-level BEAD implementation decisions that are not connected, in most policy discussions, to conversations about care.
Broadband is care infrastructure. The reader whose connection is inadequate is not just missing convenience. She is missing the technology layer that this publication has been describing as the foundation of what aging at home can look like in three to five years.
The reader has specific actions available to her, not general civic participation, but targeted contacts that create pressure at the moments when pressure can change outcomes.
Contact your congressional representative about Medicaid LTSS funding. The constituent who calls or writes to a representative’s office and identifies herself as a person who receives Medicaid-funded home care, or who has a family member who does, is the most persuasive input a representative’s staff receives. The constituent with a name and a story carries weight that aggregate advocacy statistics do not. The contact information for your representative is available at house.gov. The Senate companion is senate.gov. Both offices receive feedback through online forms and through constituent services phone lines.
Check BEAD implementation status in your state. The National Telecommunications and Information Administration tracks state BEAD progress at broadbandusa.ntia.gov. If your state is behind, your state legislators and governor’s office are the relevant contact points.
Inquire whether a PACE program operates in your area. The National PACE Association maintains a provider directory at npaonline.org. If no PACE program operates near you, your state’s aging services agency (typically the State Unit on Aging) is the relevant body to contact about expansion.
Every three-to-five-year promise in this publication passes through a policy gate. The AI that monitors Helen’s medication changes in real time requires both the data integration infrastructure from 17.02 and the regulatory framework that determines what health AI is permitted to do. The aging-at-home technology this publication has described across four pillars requires broadband. The care coordinators and aides who implement these tools require a labor market that sustains them. The person who funds the whole ecosystem, at the base of the capital structure, is the Medicaid program that makes it possible for Margaret to stay in her farmhouse.
These gates are not abstract. They are funding decisions being made in the spring of 2026 by legislators who may or may not have heard from their constituents about what is at stake. The technology is being built. The capital is being deployed. The people who decide whether the policy environment allows any of it to work are elected, which means they can be reached.
Margaret knows she depends on Sandra. She does not fully know that the decision about whether Sandra will still be there in six months is being made right now in Washington. The reader who understands the gate can find her representative’s phone number. That is where this series starts the second movement.
How this article connects to others in Blue Mirror.
Sources cited in this article.
- Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Medicaid Long-Term Services and Supports. CMS, 2024.
- National PACE Association. What Is PACE? NPA, 2024.
- Wiener, Joshua M., et al. "PACE: The Impact of a Capitated Financing Model on Care Coordination for Dually Eligible Beneficiaries." The Gerontologist, vol. 63, no. 4, 2023, pp. 627-638.
- National Telecommunications and Information Administration. BEAD Program Progress Dashboard. U.S. Department of Commerce, 2024, www.broadbandusa.ntia.gov.
- PHI National. Direct Care Workers in the United States: Key Facts. PHI, 2024.
- Grabowski, David C. "A New Era for PACE: The Role of Capitated Integrated Models in Long-Term Services and Supports." Health Affairs, vol. 43, no. 3, 2024, pp. 334-341.
